We think of narcissism as an individual trait, but it can be relevant to groups too. The rise of national populism has brought an increase in the use of rhetoric that reveals a collective version of narcissism. "Make America Great Again" or Putin's accusations that the West seeks to humiliate Russia are examples of this rhetoric. It often involves calls for a greater recognition of the exceptionalism of one's nation.
We refer to such sentiments as national narcissism—a belief that one's nation is exceptional but is seemingly undervalued by others. National narcissism can be measured by asking respondents to indicate to what degree they agree with statements such as "My nation deserves special treatment" or "I will never be satisfied until my nation gets the recognition it deserves." These are similar to statements personality psychologists ask to assess individual narcissism, but in this case they refer to one's group (here, one's nation) rather than the self.
Studies in many countries show that national narcissism is associated with potentially problematic social outcomes. It has been linked to hostility towards other nations, violent extremism, engagement with conspiracy theories, support for national populism, as well as for anti-science and anti-environmental policies. For example, those who are narcissistic about their nation are more likely to take part in nationalist demonstrations, such as the far-right Independence March in Poland. National narcissists are also prone to believe in and disseminate conspiracy theories about the COVID-19 pandemic, and support COVID-19 policies that might be harmful for their compatriots.
It is then important to understand why people living in certain societies might on average show higher national narcissism than others. Each nation operates within a broader system that determines how it relates to other nations. Examples include the international systems of trade or supranational organizations, such as the EU. These systems have different effects on their members, creating contextual variation in group outcomes.
We long suspected that nations' experiences in the international arena, and citizens' perceptions of those experiences, would be reflected in citizens' national narcissism. However, this has been very difficult to test because explaining cross-national variation in levels of national narcissism requires large-scale data from many countries. This changed in 2020 when a team of over 200 researchers from across the globe, led by Jay van Bavel, Aleksandra Cichocka, and Paulo Boggio, launched the International Collaboration on the Social & Moral Psychology of COVID-19 to examine psychological factors (including national narcissism) underlying the attitudes and behavioral intentions related to COVID-19 in 69 countries. This gave us data from 56 countries, with 50,757 participants in total.
We found that citizens' levels of national narcissism were lower in countries that were more globalized, meaning more integrated into international networks of trade, culture, technology, and governance. Importantly, this was true even once we considered other factors such as national wealth, inequality, military strength, or engagement in conflicts. A lower level of globalization, which implies that one's nation is more isolated, seems to be accompanied by a nation's citizens wanting to boost the nation's image by signaling that others simply do not recognize its exceptionalism. This might be a way to explain why one's country is being overlooked in international processes. A belief that one's nation is great but simply underappreciated might also help alleviate negative feelings caused by believing that being excluded might be legitimate or justified.
Thus, relations between countries might shape national sentiments within countries. Perhaps international cooperation is therefore a potential buffer against narcissistic versions of national identity, which can be harmful to social cohesion and democratic processes. But it is also important to stress that not all types of national identity are problematic. National narcissism should be distinguished from a more secure attachment to one's nation, including feelings of national pride and strong ties to compatriots. Such positive national sentiments can lead to desirable social outcomes such as greater loyalty, cohesion, and tolerance.
For Further Reading
Cichocka, A., Sengupta, N., Cislak, A., Gronfeldt, B., Azevedo, F., & Boggio, P. S. (2022). Globalization is associated with lower levels of national narcissism: Evidence from 56 countries. Social Psychological and Personality Science. https://doi.org/10.1177/19485506221103326
Cichocka, A., & Cislak, A. (2020). Nationalism as collective narcissism. Current Opinion in Behavioural Sciences, 34, 69-74. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cobeha.2019.12.013
Aleksandra Cichocka is a Professor of Political Psychology at the University of Kent, UK. Her research focuses on personality, intergroup relations, political ideology, and political behavior.
Nikhil Sengupta is a Senior Lecturer in Psychology at the University of Kent, UK. His research focuses on how social and political attitudes develop and change over time, and how they affect the social structure.
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